The extent to which domestic politics and narrow sectarian interests sometimes dictate India's foreign policy to the detriment of the larger national interest was once again made clear when India decided to abstain from the vote on the UNHRC resolution in Geneva that targeted Sri Lanka. It was absolutely the correct thing to do -- indeed, I would go so far as to say that India should have voted against the U.S.-sponsored resolution. I had criticized India's decision in 2012 to support a similar UNHRC resolution against Sri Lanka.
Why does it demonstrate the importance of domestic politics? Because, whatever explanations the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) might come up with for the change in the vote this time (that this resolution was intrusive compared to previous efforts), the the key difference was that the UPA government is no longer being held hostage by Tamil politics parties and their one-upmanship on the issue. This allowed New Delhi to pursue the national interest, which they had given the go-by the previous two years in the interest of coalition politics.
Sunday, March 30, 2014
Friday, March 28, 2014
The Crimean Crisis
The Crimean crisis might not be the beginning of a new cold war, but it clearly reflects some of the problems with Obama's foreign policy as I argued in a piece on Economic Times (online), pasted below:
Crimea Tilts Power Equations
The consequences of Vlamidir Putin’s ‘land-grab’ are likely to reverberate for some time. Not even traditional friends and anti-Western compatriots like New Delhi and Beijing are entirely comfortable with Putin’s initiative.
Crimea Tilts Power Equations
The consequences of Vlamidir Putin’s ‘land-grab’ are likely to reverberate for some time. Not even traditional friends and anti-Western compatriots like New Delhi and Beijing are entirely comfortable with Putin’s initiative.
India’s default option – to side with
neither side in the dispute – might be understandable because on the one hand India
does not want unilateral referendums to become an international norm
considering its own position in Kashmir but on the other hand New Delhi’s
natural political instinct is not to side with the West against anybody, especially
a traditional friend like Russia.
Saturday, February 22, 2014
International Politics and Security After Nuclear Disarmament
The Geneva Centre for Security Policy convened a conference last year looking at 'Security in A World Without Nuclear Weapons'. One meeting was held in Glion, Switzerland last summer and the report is now out. I contributed a chapter on "Power Balances and the Prospects for a Stable Post-Nuclear Weapons World." I suggested that a post-nuclear weapons world will not be very different for most states because they were not really affected one way or another by nuclear weapons, except indirectly if a nuclear war took place which would affect everybody. But nuclear disarmament would create issues for countries that were defended either directly or indirectly (i.e., with extended deterrence) with nuclear weapons. In some cases, especially for states such as Pakistan, North Korea and Israel, all of which perceive significant conventional threats and for whom nuclear weapons represent the great equalizer, nuclear abolition would create serious problems. I predict that they would be the ones most resistant to nuclear disarmament, should that become a serious possibility. GCSP organized a public discussion in Geneva to launch the report in which I participated.
Saturday, February 8, 2014
The Limitations of an India-Japan Partnership
India invited Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to be the Chief Guest at India's Republic Day celebrations, signalling a new closeness in their ties. Most of the commentary in India and around the world noted the strategic significance of the invitation, and the Indian commentariat was uniformly positive. I am somewhat skeptical but not because I don't see the strategic value in the relationship, especially in balancing China. It has to do more with my sense that both governments -- like democracies in general -- tend to look for short-term buck-passing solutions rather than real balancing, which requires a certain clarity, consistency and commitment. A short essay that I wrote on this was posted a couple of days back on the Observer Research Foundation (ORF) website, and is reproduced in full below.
The Limitations of India-Japan Partnership
Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's short visit was
high on symbolism but both countries need to carefully assess the utility as
well as the limits of their partnership. While trade between the two countries
have grown dramatically, the primary driver in the relationship has been
strategic necessity, their shared concern about an increasingly strong but
aggressive China.
Monday, January 13, 2014
A ridiculous spat . . . now over?
The Devyani Khobragade incident now appears to be over, hopefully. But I suspect that there are going to be longer term consequences. To put what is India's most important bilateral relationship at risk over such an issue shows very little maturity or strategic sense. Much of the commentary from retired IFS folks (many of whom I know and respect a lot) borders on hysteria and others of the Indian 'strategic' community appear to have joined in, though there was some push back, especially from the Indian Express and its editor Shekhar Gupta. Meanwhile the Left couldn't seem to figure out whether to go after the American Imperialists or the Indian State, a target rich environment from their perspective.
On the other hand, a very unscientific survey based on the comments sections of essays and news items might suggest that the outrage on TV studios is not entirely shared by the rest of the country (or at least those who write-in such comments). Though there was some outrage here too, I did find a significant amount of push-back about the ethical issues involved. But, of course, I reiterate, an extremely unscientific survey.
My take was published in Economic Times as the controversy broke and it is posted below.
On the other hand, a very unscientific survey based on the comments sections of essays and news items might suggest that the outrage on TV studios is not entirely shared by the rest of the country (or at least those who write-in such comments). Though there was some outrage here too, I did find a significant amount of push-back about the ethical issues involved. But, of course, I reiterate, an extremely unscientific survey.
My take was published in Economic Times as the controversy broke and it is posted below.
Delhi should avoid
lasting damages to India-US ties
As the imbroglio
over Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade's arrest in New York escalates, it is important
that both Washington and New Delhi ensure that this row does not affect the strategic
relationship that the two countries hope to build.
Thursday, December 5, 2013
The Iran Nuke Deal
The nuclear deal between Iran and the P-5+1 have obviously received a lot of attention. The general opinion in India and Asia appears to be favourable to the deal, as the Regional Powers Initiative (RPI) noted. I am less impressed and I think this has potentially dangerous longer term consequences. My take was published in Economic Times and is reproduced below.
Iran Nuclear Deal: Short-Term Benefits and Long-Term Consequences
Iran Nuclear Deal: Short-Term Benefits and Long-Term Consequences
US President Barack
Obama has won a much-needed foreign political victory by sealing a temporary
nuclear deal with Iran. But while there are some short-term benefits, the long
term consequences of this deal are much more hazy and potentially quite
dangerous. Equally worrying should be the consequences of the deal for nuclear
weapon spreading in the Middle East and the larger political effects on America's
friends and allies, especially in the region and in Asia.
Saturday, November 16, 2013
The 'Manmohan Singh Doctrine'
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh gave a speech recently to the annual conclave of Indian Ambassadors in New Delhi. It was notable because it set out the principles of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's foreign policy doctrine. His speech was commented on by Sanjaya Baru in Indian Express but outside of that, it seems to have passed without notice. That's a shame because there are important pointers to the underlying assumptions of India's foreign policy in the speech. And I would suggest that these are assumptions shared broadly in New Delhi, which makes it all the more important. My critique of these basic principles was published by Economic Times last Monday (November 11). I am posting it below.
The snag in the Manmohan Singh’s Panchsheel Doctrine
One of the central problems with the Indian foreign policy has been its refusal to understand the role of power in international politics. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's speech at the meeting of Indian ambassadors about the five principles of India's foreign policy shows that this unfortunate tendency continues.The PM correctly pointed out that the "single most important objective of Indian foreign policy has to be to create a global environment conducive to the well-being of our great country". The problem, of course, is how we go about creating it. The prescription from the prime minister was economic integration at the global and the regional level.
Sunday, November 3, 2013
Avner Cohen on Israel's Nuclear Decision, October 1973
A nice essay by Avner Cohen on the Israeli decision-making during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war. The general sense until now has been that, facing an increasingly difficult situation on both the Egyptian and Syrian fronts, Israel readied its nuclear arsenal. There was always some doubt about whether this was because Israel feared that it was about to lose the war and wanted to Arab states down with it if it came to that or if it was a signal to the US to come to its assistance. Cohen suggests, based on interviews with insiders to the decision-making process and declassified minutes of key meetings, that with the exception of Moshe Dayan, the Israeli cabinet exercised restraint. Dayan's proposal for a nuclear 'demonstration' was not followed through. What exactly that demonstration would have been is not clear, though Cohen speculates that it could have been a nighttime high-altitude nuclear airburst that would be visible from key Arab cities. Though I have no expertise on Israeli nuclear issues, as an option, such a demonstration would appear to have been politically quite difficult. Though Cohen discounts it, a more credible demonstration would have been an underground nuclear test. But Cohen's essay also outlines some of the problems of oral history as also the absolute necessity of such research tactics especially where state secrecy on a subject matter is so great. Anyway, a great essay by the key chronicler of the Israeli nuclear establishment.
Saturday, November 2, 2013
PM Manmohan Singh's visit to Russia and China
I am posting this almost two weeks after it was published, unfortunately. This is essay in Economic Times of October 21, 2013 on the PM's visit to Russia and China.
Too many unclear policies in PM Manmohan
Singh's holdall
Over the next few days, PM Manmohan Singh will summit with the leaders
of Russia and China. Along with his
recent meeting with US President Barack Obama, it completes a trifecta of sorts.
Unfortunately, in this great power trifecta, India appears to have neither
skill nor luck. At the end of his term, the PM has the unenviable task of
trying to climb out of the strategic hole into which we have dug ourselves.
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