Kenneth Waltz R.I.P. (1924-2013)
May 15, 2013
Kenneth Waltz,
probably the most influential international relations theorist since the late
1950s, died on May 13, 2013. I did not know Waltz personally and I only saw him
once, when he was given an award for his achievements at the International
Studies Annual Convention in 2010 at New Orleans. As the tributes to his life
and contributions pour in, I wanted to set down a few thoughts about how much
his work has influenced the field as well as my own intellectual development
and ideas.
What I find most
fascinating is how little Waltz has written when compared to the enormous
impact he has had on the field. He has only three full-length books, spread
over three decades and the last of these, Theory of International
Politics, was written almost thirty-five years ago. Two of these books
became classics and are still widely read, including Man, the State and
War, the book that grew out of his PhD thesis.
As Waltz started
his doctoral work, he was more interested in political philosophy than international
politics and was really forced into international politics by his advisor
Professor William T.R. Fox at Columbia. But his PhD thesis brought these
disciplines together, asking how political philosophers had looked at the
question of war and categorizing their explanations. Man, the State and
War is still essential reading for any IR student. In other words,
scholars are still reading the PhD thesis that he wrote more than half a
century back! And I expect they will continue reading it for a long time.
But what is equally
fascinating is the evolution of Waltz’s thinking because you can clearly see
his progression between Man, the State and War and Theory
of International Politics, which Waltz himself characterizes as a sequel in
his Conversations with History interview.
The first outlined why a systemic theory was necessary, the second outlined
Waltz’s own view of how that systemic theory should look. Waltz has never
revised or produced a second edition of Theory of International
Politics. Clearly, it does not need any revision. In between, he wrote his
second book (which is rarely read) but also some other important essays
including his argument about the importance of polarity in international
politics and specifically why bipolarity is more
stabilizing that multipolarity. His insight in this early essay has
significantly influenced how Realists have thought about the issue and has been
central to many Realist arguments after the end of the Cold War. I have become
more sceptical about his argument about the pacifying effects of bipolarity but
only because I think that nuclear weapons played as important a role as
polarity in preventing the Cold War from becoming a shooting war. Nevertheless,
the impact of polarity on international politics cannot be ignored it remains
an important subject for
IR scholars, most of whom take his lead.
My first
introduction to Waltz was not through his masterpiece, Theory of
International Politicspublished in 1979 but through his other path-breaking
work, his Adelphi Paper The Spread of Nuclear Weapons: More May Be Better.
No one doing international relations in India, in the early 1980s, could escape
the nuclear debate. Waltz’s critique of Western conceptions of nuclear
deterrence and non-proliferation in More May Be Better was
very popular and often cited by K. Subrahmanyam. But though I read that essay
closely Waltz’s larger contribution to IR theory completely escaped me. This
was despite the fact that my other favourite IR work those days was Waltz’s
student Barry Posen’sSources of Military Doctrine.
The first time I
read Theory, it was as if a window opened and suddenly the world of
international politics became clear. Until then, I had been sceptical and
dismissive of IR theory, focusing instead on policy issues and military
doctrine. On the other hand, I had always considered myself a Realist, though
this did not make me a great fan of previous Realist works I had read.
The greatness of Theory was
not just in terms of the systemic theory that Waltz presented but also because
he outlined how to do theory, an essential methodological task. He also
introduced to IR scholars the importance of the philosophy of science debates
to the social sciences, in particular Imre Lakatos’s notion of the methodology
of scientific research programmes. He was no unabashed admirer of Lakatos but
nevertheless thought Lakatos was important for political scientists “for one
big reason: Lakatos’s assaults crush the crassly positivist positivist ideas
about how to evaluate theories that are accepted by most political scientists.”1
Waltz and Realism
are not particularly popular in India or anywhere else outside American IR
scholarship because they are seen, mistakenly, as handmaidens of American power
and foreign policy. This is odd because Waltz’s critiques of American foreign
policy on everything from Vietnam to the Iraq war to nuclear non-proliferation
and American global hegemony is well known. But one part of the criticism is
valid: Waltz’s theories are based on great power politics because he focuses on
those actors he considers have the greatest and most consistent influences on
global politics and stability. As an American and a citizen of a superpower,
that is perfectly justified. But there is little in Waltzian theory that
suggest that the essence of his approach cannot be applied to other aspects of
international politics including regional politics and even understanding
foreign policy (though he himself rejected applying
his theory as a theory of foreign policy). Whether it is the concentration of
power in South Asia or the imbalance of power in Asia, Waltz’s insights about
polarity and power and its consequences are invaluable.
Most importantly,
what IR scholars need to learn from Waltz is that power, in particular relative
power, matters but in both positive and negative ways. Waltz looked at power
unsentimentally and was more often than not critical of the manner in which the
pursuit of power corrupted and subverted policy. That put Waltz and Realists
constantly at odds with nationalists (or as they are called now in the US
context at least, ‘neocons’) for whom the pursuit of national power alone
mattered.
Of course, Waltz
was not always right. After the end of bipolarity, Waltz mistakenly thought
that unipolarity would fade quickly. I am increasingly unconvinced that
balances will ‘recurrently form’ in international politics though I am equally
convinced that states will strive for it. But you do not have to agree with
everything that Waltz wrote in order to be Waltzian. And so I remain a
Waltzian.
1.
1.Kenneth N. Waltz, “Foreword: Thoughts About
Assaying Theories,” in Colin Elman and Mirium Fendius Elma (editors) Progress
in International Relations Theory: Appraising the Field (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: MIT Press, 2003), p. xii.
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